Incarcerated last week on G20 related charges

One week before she began serving a 16th month sentence related to her participation in organizing the G20 protests, UTA sat down with Amanda Hiscocks for a wide ranging discussion about her situation as a political prisoner and her analysis of the fallout of state repression against those organizing against the G20 summit in Toronto in 2010. This interview will be published in a forthcoming issue of UTA, but we are making the raw audio available here so that activists can get a better a sense of Mandy’s assessment of the features of state repression and what needs to be done to support the G20 political prisoners.

Mandy is a member of the UTA advisory board, and has been a radical political activist working out of the town of Guelph, Ontario since the mid-1990s.

The interview was conducted on January 6th, 2012 in Toronto by Tom K. of the UTA Editorial Committee. Please feel free to share this audio widely through your social networks. If you want to play it on your local community radio, we’re cool with that, but please contact us at uppingtheanti@gmail.com to let us know. We will be making a written transcript of the interview available soon.

Note: Mandy is now incarcerated at the Vanier Detention Centre. She has a blog up at http://boredbutnotbroken.tao.ca/ and you can send letters to:

Amanda Hiscocks
Vanier Centre for Women
655 Martin Street
Box 1040
Milton, ON
L9T 5E6

Click here to read the prisoners’ petition.

A Shout-out of respect and solidarity – from the Pelican Bay Short Corridor – Collective – to all similarly situated prisoners subject to the continuing torturous conditions of confinement in these barbaric SHU & Ad/Seg units across this country and around the world.

This is our update of where things currently stand and where we’re going with this struggle – for an end to draconian policies and practices – summarized in our “Formal Complaint” (and many related documents published and posted online, since early 2011)

As many of you know… beginning in early (2010), the PBSP – SHU Short Corridor Collective initiated action to educate people and bring wide spread exposure to – the (25+) years of ongoing – progressive human rights violations going unchecked here in the California Department of Corruption – via dissemination of our “Formal Complaint” to 100’s of people, organizations, lawmakers, Secretary Cate, etc… wherein, we also sought support and meaningful change.

The response by CDCR – Secretary Cate was “file an inmate appeal” (collectively, we’d filed thousands); therefore, after much reconsideration and dialogue, the collective decided to take the fight to the next level via peaceful protest action – in the form of hunger strike.

With the above in mind – beginning in early (2011)… we again sought to educate people about the ongoing torture prevalent in these prison systems – solitary confinement units; and pointing out our position that – the administrative grievance process is a sham, and the court system’s turned a blind eye to such blatantly illegal practices – Leaving us with no other meaningful avenue for obtaining relief, other than to put our lives on the line and thereby draw the line and force changes, via collective peaceful protest hunger strike action.

We believed this was the only – fully advantageous – way for us to expose such outrageous abuse of state power, to the world and gain the outside support needed to help force real change.

We requested support in the form of – asking people to write letters to those in power… we received more support than we ever expected – in the form of letters, rallies, and hunger strike “participants” – more than (18,000) similarly situated prisoners and some people on the outside!

All united in solidarity, with a collective awareness – that the draconian torture practices described in our “Formal Complaint” are prevalent across the land; and that – united in peaceful action, we have the power to force changes.

The hunger strike actions of (2011) achieved some success, in the form of – mainstream world wide exposure – solid, continuing outside support – some small improvements to SHU/Ad-Seg unit conditions … and assurances of more meaningful – substantive changes to the overall policies and practices re: basis for placement and amount of time spent, in such units – a substantive review of all prisoners files, per new criteria – and more change to the actual conditions in such units.

However, this fight is far from over! Notably, the second hunger strike action was suspended in mid-October … in response to top CDCR administrator’s presentation that the substantive changes be finalized… would be provided to “the stakeholders” (this includes our attorneys), within 60 days for comment. To date, CDCR hasn’t produced anything re: SHU/Ad-Seg policy changes; and PBSP’s Warden has not even replied to the (2) memo’s we’ve sent him concerning – additional program – privilege issues, per core demand #5 (see footnote #1 below)

Naturally, many people are not happy about CDCR’s failure to abide by their word – again – and they are asking… “what’s the next move in this struggle?”

Based on our collective discussions, our response is … people need to remain focused, and continue to apply pressure on CDCR, via letters, emails, fax, etc… summarizing the continuing core demands – immediately! There’s real power in numbers!! (see addresses to contact below, at footnote #2)

It’s important for everyone to stay objective and on the same page – remember… united we win, divided we lose. And, if we don’t see real substantive changes within the next 6 months… we’ll have to re-evaluate our position.

Additionally, now is a good time for people to start a dialogue about changing the climate on these level IV mainlines… As it stands now, these lines are warehouses, with all the money meant for programs – rehabilitation, going into guard pockets.

It’s in all of our best interests to change this in a big way, and thereby force CDCR to open these lines up and provide all of us with the programs and rehabilitative services that we all should have coming to us!!

Respect and Solidarity,

T. Ashker, A. Castellanos, Sitawa (s/n Dewberry), A. Guillen

Footnote#1: To date, we’ve received zero improvements re: core demand #5 … while Corcoran and Tehachapi have gained on canteen and dip-pull up bars – which, is all good. This is an example of what we pointed out in our “Formal Complaint” re: disparate treatment at PBSP-SHU compared to other SHU’s.

This is also a typical CDCR attempt to create discord and disruption to our unified struggle…we’re certain this feeble move will fail because all of us understand what our main objective is – an end to long term torture in these isolation units! It is our fundamental right to be treated humanely… we can no longer accept state sanctioned torture – of our selves! (and, our loved ones!) and we remain unified in our resistance!!

Footnote#2: Addresses of people to write

1. Tom Ammiano, Assemblyman/ Capitol Bldg. Rm# 4005 / Sacramento, CA 95814/ Phone# 916-319-2013/ Fax# 916-319-2113
2. Governor Edmund G. Brown/ State Capitol, Ste #1173/ Sacramento, CA 95814/ Phone# 916-446-2841/ Fax# 916-558-3160
3. CDCR – Secretary Matthew Cate / 1515 S. St. Ste. #330/ Sacramento, CA 95811 / Phone# 916-323-6001

All prisoners writing to these people should be sent ‘confidential mail’ and anyone outside of prison, supporters, family members, etc… please write and also email.

There exist many criticisms of the Occupy movement, from allies and enemies alike. The more constructive criticisms tend to come from people who view the Movement as having potential for creating real change. So, what are some of these critiques? And are they valid?

From the onset the Occupy Movement has been criticized on multiple fronts for its claim to represent the 99% (in a supposedly leaderless fashion), which isn’t surprising given the boldness and scope of the claim. It is important to point out that each Occupy chapter operates on an autonomous basis, and that not all criticisms can be applied equally amongst the numerous chapters. Also necessary to keep in mind, is the point in time these criticisms are referring to, because conditions may have changed in certain cases. Perhaps it is best to start off with the more universal criticisms.

Since OWS’s inception the media and other spectators have asked to see a list of specific demands (even a reduction to ONE demand!), believing that a list would be more coherent and more likely to inspire an act of Congress. This is based on assumptions that the protesters are acting in the goal of compelling Congress to review their demands, and that protesters are able to exercise a right of free speech that has the capability of bringing politicians to the negotiating table. Clearly, these assumptions are not grounded in reality. For mainstream media, it is not within the acceptable parameters of discussion to consider the possibility that these occupations stand for something much greater than a desire to get Congress’s attention.

Nonetheless, some chapters have responded by creating special committees responsible for drawing up a set of demands. OWS in early October formed the Demands Working Group, who have been meeting regularly to create a list of specific proposals. A two-thirds majority in the GA is necessary to approve each proposal. One protester, Gabriel Willow, disagrees with the demand-approach. “Demands are disempowering since they require someone else to respond,” said Willow.

Other chapters that have taken up a demand-approach include L.A., Austin, Boston, D.C. And Philadelphia.

The structure itself has also been critiqued. The particular form of consensus used to pass/reject proposals has been viewed by some as a “tyranny of the minority” and “undemocratic” because it only takes one participant to block a resolution that everyone else may agree upon. This is clearly problematic for General Assemblies, which typically range anywhere from 30 to 300, making for some very tedious and frustrating meetings that in certain cases have resulted in people seceding from the GA (or the protest altogether).

Also scrutinized is use of “the people’s mic,” in which the crowd amplifies a speaker’s message by repeating what was said, echoing phrase by phrase. One Occupy LA participant called it “a Pavlovian conditioning tool…It begins to INVALIDATE internal dissent and force the person to accept what is being said and repeated as truth. It is almost like a cult. This is NOT democratic any way.” It is unclear how widespread this practice is.

There has been active antagonism of the lumpenproletariat amongst some Occupy locations: homeless people and people with mental disabilities have been routinely targeted for abuse and thrown out of the parks. This is especially ironic considering that many of these individuals were the original people sleeping in the park.

At Occupy Wall Street (Zucotti Park), a woman named Sparro Kennedy has had no choice but to designate herself defender of these vulnerable populations. “There’s a push to drive out the homeless and those with special needs,” Kennedy says. “Our responsibility as a community is to make sure that everyone has a voice and that nobody is left behind. I’m here to make sure of that.”

In Occupy Sacramento (Cesar Chavez Park), some of the homeless have found themselves alienated by the Occupiers, who have essentially taken over their sleeping quarters and imposed a set of rules upon them without factoring in their voices. “They got their own security, they act like the police,” one homeless man says. “Anytime you do anything they say you can’t do this and that …and we’re saying `you’re not the police.’”

Self-labeled “pacifists” have used the police as a weapon against fellow demonstrators by turning in anyone who does not strictly adhere to their definition of appropriate conduct. According to a member of Denver ABC, the “leaders” in Occupy Denver are disowning protesters that have been arrested (39 so far), and even helping the cops by turning over videotapes and identifying people in the protests that “turned violent.” This has come not only as an act of betrayal, but a slap in the face for people of color, undocumented migrants and other less-privileged folks who in no way view the police as “guardians” or “keepers of the peace.”

One of the most widespread criticisms of Occupy is on the issue of racial representation. The flagship chapter at Wall St. in particular suffered from an obvious failure to include people of color in its initial organizing, reflected in the lack of representative demographics amongst its participants. OWS drew upon a mostly white, liberal, middle class tendency that by default ignored its own privileges and alienated a huge portion of 99ers (in Occupy-speak).

Not surprisingly, several critiques have been circulating online of OWS’s failure to be inclusive of POC and Indigenous people’s rights.

In “Seven Occupy Wall Street Racial Justice Roadblocks” (posted on peopleofcolororganize.com), Ernesto points out the “credibility gap” that exists between POC and white activists. He vocalizes the question on many people’s minds: “What do people of color gain by staking our credibility in our communities on a group of white left activists, many of whom we do not know, have no history organizing with, or have no knowledge of their personal and political efforts in our communities?” He also shares how one Occupy protest was deemed “openly hostile to activists of color, treating community concerns as `identity politics.’”

From an Indigenous perspective, the name “Occupy” comes off as offensive and ignorant of the historical reality of America’s ongoing occupation of Indigenous land. Jessica Yee, in her piece “Occupy Wall Street: The Game of Colonialism and Further Nationalism to be Decolonized From the Left” points out the need for an anti-colonial stance, asserting that “Colonialism also leads to capitalism, globalization, and industrialization. How can we truly end capitalism without ending colonialism?”

JohnPaul Montano, an Anishnaabe writer, reminds readers about the consequences of genocide, land theft, and notions of White cultural superiority in “An Open Letter to the Wall St. Activists”:

“I had hoped that you would address the centuries-long history that we indigenous peoples of this continent have endured being subject to the countless ‘-isms’ of do-gooders claiming to be building a ‘more just society,’a “better world,” a ‘land of freedom’ on top of our indigenous societies, on our indigenous lands, while destroying and/or ignoring our ways of life…It just seems to me that you’re unknowingly doing the same thing to us that all the colonizers before you have done: you want to do stuff on our land without asking our permission.”

Montano also adds a list of suggestions to fix OWS’s “pro-colonialism position,” which includes: “Demand immediate freedom for indigenous political prisoner Leonard Peltier” and “Demand that the colonial government of the United States of America honor all treaties signed with all indigenous nations…” Throughout the article he refers to OWS activists as “friends” and believes that their “hearts are in the right place.”

In “To Occupy And Unoccupy,” Vagabond (Puerto Rican) takes a more cynical view of OWS activists:

“If you ever wonder why more people of color haven’t yet swelled your “occupation” ranks it may be because historically, once you have what you want, you’ll go back to occupying the comfortable role of white privilege that led you to believe that racism was different from classism. What you are experiencing is old hat for us, the forced removal from your homes, the inability to find work that pays a living wage, the police brutality, frivolous arrests, and your adventures with the justice shitstem, even your homeless encampment are just a few of the things we have lived with for longer than you would care to imagine. We have lived with a knowledge of things that you are now, only beginning to realize.”

Furthermore, he warns “Unless you begin to deal with the roots of this occupation that began 500 years ago your current occupation will fail.”

An encouraging example of an attempt to address this issue is that of Albuquerque, whose General Assembly passed a resolution to change the name from “Occupy Albuquerque” to “Unoccupy Albuquerque,” in recognition of and opposition to Euro-perpetrated settler occupations of Indigenous land.

Also of concern throughout Occupy America is the question of militancy. Many protesters and spectators have asserted that the Occupy protests are not militant enough, and that incidents like the one at Brooklyn Bridge (in which over 700 demonstrators peacefully allowed themselves to be arrested) undermine the movement’s leverage. People on Facebook have posted reminders that not a single Wall St. bankster or corporation (considered to have “personhood”) has been arrested.

Surprisingly, Occupy LA has not been one of the more militant branches, and has suffered from an almost discouraging level of authoritarianism in the form of self-appointed leaders controlling the location, who is allowed to participate, and what is allowed to be said. Most shocking was the initial level of white dominance in a city that is 70% of color.

On October 2nd, one LA participant posted on Facebook, “A full 85% of the speakers, at least during the “controlled” portion of the General Assembly, were white. Among comrades last night, there was much discussion how there seems to be a lot of tokenism with people of color, but that decisions are essentially being made by a few white individuals.”

On the issue of civil disobedience, he wrote, “There was much frustration over how “occupation” would be handled. The organizers kept stressing that they wanted this movement to last three months and that by disobeying the orders of the LAPD, they would come and shut it down. The other argument was that the movement should have NEVER been negotiating with the cops in the first place, and that by following the city ordinance, it was NOT an occupation at all.”

In “Occupying LaLa Land” Federica Lorca, also frustrated by cooperation with the police, wrote “This is an occupation by permission. Really. A couple hundred people camped out on the lawn of Los Angeles’s City Hall after they got the permission of the Los Angeles police…In the better areas of LA, this counts as occupying something. In the rest of town, you actually have to claim some space in the name of the people and defy LAPD. But not for us. This is a LaLa Land occupation: an illusion wrapped up in a metaphor. A light image where something material and real is supposed to be.”

Despite the Occupy movement’s demonstrable flaws, various polls show that the majority (59-61%) of Americans stand in favor of the Occupations.

Popularity assured, perhaps the most fundamental roadblock is the overarching question of sustainability.

Naomi Klein has a warning: “It is a fact of the information age that too many movements spring up like beautiful flowers but quickly die off,” she said. “It’s because they don’t have roots. And they don’t have long-term plans for how they are going to sustain themselves. So when storms come, they get washed away.”

As of yet, there seems to be no agreed-upon long term strategy. As far as Occupy’s endurance goes, only time will tell.

The CDC’s shameless attempt to suppress the tragic loss of life of three recent hunger strikers has inevitably failed in the whole, despite the fact that it still refuses to knowledge its own complicity with regards to the particular details surrounding these deaths. The essential facts are widely known among the prison masses.
This comes as no surprise for those of us familiar with the practices of the CDC. Yet for those naïve to the CDC’s duplicity, there are valuable lesson to be learned from all of this. With respect to the three men who needlessly lost their lives, it is significant that we not pass judgment on them prematurely.

The taking of one’s own life is a conscious decision, and such a decision is as relevant as the surrounding conditions that gave rise to the decision itself. This inseparability between our consciousness and our environmental conditions is summed up well in Karl Marx’s simple, yet revealing, statement:

“…the ‘ideal’ is nothing more that the material world reflected in the human brain and translated into forms of thought….”

To speak of these avoidable deaths in the context of “suicides” is to legitimize the state’s role in creating the oppressive conditions that resulted in these deaths, and thus, exonerates it of responsibility.

To judge the suicides based solely upon the “possible” decisions of these three individuals alone is to allow ourselves to be divided and conquered. We should not pass judgment upon the alleged decisions alone, but also upon the state and the conditions that gave rise to such contemplations.

The state apparatus of various governments, including the US government, have a long history of eliminating opposition to the status quo, and in particular, “suiciding” that opposition when they are confined. We must ask, did these three human beings commit suicide? Or were they “suicided” by inconspicuous means? All three of these deaths have been quite conveniently classified as suicides. Yet by all indications these classifications do not correspond with the actual circumstances.

How do we know that these men intended suicide? We don’t. But of greater significance, we do know that there were repeated attempts to call “Man Down”, kicking on cell doors, etc., which was willfully ignored and neglected by guards. In parallel circumstances, were not state employees involved, anyone else would be charged with either murder or at the very least manslaughter.

If this concept comes across as unorthodox, this is only a demonstration of how effectively we have been conditioned to think, but the objective reality is, these three men were “suicide” even though it was by inconspicuous means—intentional neglect. It requires no great feat of intellect to understand that the state will rarely prosecute its own. But to ensure that the deaths of the three men were for naught, we must do all that we can to publicize and transform this tragedy into an educational opportunity.
We call on Amnesty International to assist us and demand a United Nations investigation into these deaths and the deplorable conditions of solitary confinement throughout the US penal system. We likewise call upon the UN to appoint an independent and unbiased autopsy of these men and any others who may be subjected to a similar fate.

There is no such thing as prisoner rights, only power struggles.

*Chad Landrum has consistently and courageously written about the hunger strikes and shared his analysis condemning the CDCR’s torturous use of isolation, which you can find along with other writing and statements from prisoners on our Voices from Inside page. Chad is currently locked up at Corcoran State Prison.

Watch and share!- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yhN9RlrENJs

Come watch me give a public presentation on my case. Zaw Win from former Political Prisoner from Burma, and Santiago Masferrer former Political Prisoner from Chile will also talk on the importance of exercising freedoms, and the dismantling of US Civil Liberties and how their countries became such repressive regimes.

7pm, Wednesday Jaunuary 4th 2012 at Burning Books 420 Connecticut st. Buffalo

After eight months of pretrial hearings, the case is going before a jury in Part 6 of Buffalo City Court (50 Delaware Ave.) beginning at each of the following days at 9am on Monday, January 9, Tuesday Jan. 10, and concluding Thursday Jan 12.

COME TO BOTH, SPREAD THE WORD!!!

This issue is a little different. Most of it is a retrospective, a look back at some of the issues, information and dialogue 4sm has brought forward. We are reprinting select articles from issue 1 through 19. We also have a short reminder (with the name of the article, issue and page numbers), of some of the detailed and theoretical pieces, including entire booklets, 4sm has printed.

We think these writings have continuing value, especially for all the righteous activists and occupiers putting the issue of social and economic justice out loud and strong, to the country and the world. These longer pieces are worth checking out or checking out again.

We do have some new words, including material on the Occupy movement, an update of the struggle from Pelican Bay State Prison, and more.

This issue is coming to you about one month later than scheduled. When you read my words, “Death,” you will understand the delay.

Issue 21 will be coming out in March. Remember we welcome your ideas and insight — from prison cells to occupy sites and beyond — the Freedom Struggle is what 4strugglemag does.

RED Season’s Greetings, Kwanzaa Greetings, and positive and healthful New Year’s Greetings of struggle, to each and everyone of you! From 4sm and its People,

Jaan Laaman, editor

Jaan Karl Laaman
#10372-016
USP Tucson
PO Box 24550
Tucson, AZ
USA 85734

• War in Iraq: Imperialism in the 21st Century by Jaan Laaman
• U.S. War and Occupation of Iraq by Tom Manning
• Truth and Resistance: U.S. out of Iraq by Oscar Lopez Rivera
• War in Iraq: September ‘03 by Sundiata Acoli
• The Iraq War, Occupations, Governments and U.S. Imperialism by Alvaro Luna Hernandez
• On Lynne Stewart by David Gilbert
• Statements from U.S. Political Prisoners in Support of Palestine
• A Letter from Akili by Akili Castlin
• Akili’s Letter: A Response by Mumia Abu-Jamal
• On Bro. Akili’s Suggestion by Herman Bell
• Response to Akili’s Letter by Robert Phillipe
• Response to Akili’s Letter by Lasyah M. Palmer
• Black August by Marilyn Buck
• Lawyers Guild Condemns Racist Arrests of Black Panthers by CDHR
• Comandante Filiberto Ojeda Rios – Presente! by Jaan Laaman
• Meet the New Boss(es),  Same as the Old Boss(es) by Bill Dunne
• Move Update: Parole Hearing
• Leonard Peltier Remembers Geronimo Pratt
• Barack Obama and the 2008 Elections by Jaan Laaman
• Why We Jog by LA-ABCF
• Political Prisoners in America by Jaan Laaman
• The Jericho Movement 10th Anniversary by Jalil Muntaqim
• Free the Wimyn! by Comrade Spider
• Women in the Struggle by Jaan Laaman
• Statement on Richard Williams by Ray Luc Levasseur
• My Blood is a Million Stories by Nzingha Shakur Ali
• Alternatives While Waiting: Self-Reliance by Marilyn Buck
• Tributes to Marilyn Buck By Russell ‘Maroon’ Shoats and Shaka Zulu

Major theoretical selections from past 4strugglemags

In addition to the pieces we reprinted in the physical magazine,  Jaan listed to some of the longer feature articles we’ve published over the years. They are listed (and linked) below.

4sm has included entire essays and/or booklets, in some issues, that are definitely worth checking out or checking out again. If you are a new or more long time activist or a conscious prisoner or anyone seeking more insight into revolutionary thinking, then these selections might really be of interest to you.

• A Basic Introduction to Dialectical and Historical Materialism by Jaan Laaman (Issue 11, p. 38-51): Don’t let the title scare you. This is a short but detailed introduction to real revolutionary analysis. It takes you, step by step, into how to examine any problem to really understand it, so you can then make your own best plan for action.
• An Updated History of the New African Prison Struggle by Sundiata Acoli (Issue 13, p. 22-41): A short but deep history of Black revolutionary struggle in the U.S.
• The Dragon and the Hydra by Russell Maroon Shoats (Issue 16, p. 33-42) Examines what type of revolutionary organizations are needed.
• Foundations of Pantherism by Shaka Zulu (Issue 17, p. 40-42): This is partly a response to the ‘Dragon and Hydra’ and also presents a modern Black Panther organization’s ideas.
• Call of the Lumpen by Michael Morin (Issue 14, p. 12-14): A look at the revolutionary potential of the lumpenproletariat in the U.S. today.
• Brown Riders Liberation Party by Meztli Yaotl(Issue 18, p. 10-11): Presents a new Latino revolutionary organization.
• Nationalism and Planetary Revolution by Bill Dunne (Issue 18, p. 37-39): Argues for a non-nationalist basis for organizing revolution.

Readers will recall that from our earliest issues, 4sm has carried words and information on the deaths of political prisoners and noted revolutionary figures. Just last issue, we had words and remembrances of Geronimo Ji-Jaga. In issue 17, we had many thoughts and words on companera Lolita Lebron and sister Marilyn Buck. Back in issue 6, we spoke of and mourned the loss of my Ohio-7 comrade Richard Williams, as well as comandante Filiberto Ojeda Rios.

4sm has also had many words on the police shootings of young people, especially in Black, Latino and Native communities, and behind prison walls. We have also spoken about the ravages and deaths that drugs bring to our communities, especially to our youth.

Death in struggle, and in life under imperialism, echoes through the pages of 4strugglemag, as it does through our lives. I have left tears as I constructed words of remembrance, love and respect for our fallen warriors, my close comrades in particular. As revolutionaries and especially as political prisoners, we understand this reality. It’s like Che said, “In revolution you win or you die.” That is, until we win and usher in a new day of social and economic justice, equality, real freedom, hope and peace, we know there will be hardships we will have to endure and overcome, and some will fall before we see Liberation.

As a Turkish comrade said long ago, ‘The point is not that you are in captivity, the point is not to surrender.’ I feel confident saying that U.S. political prisoners carry it on in this manner. Being in captivity is our front or location for continuing the freedom struggle at this time, so we do just that.

All that said, all that done, allow me comrades, friends and readers, to inform you of the most horrific, devastating news and reality of my life. Thirty-nine days ago, early on friday morning on October 21, 2011, my precious wonderful son, my heart, Rick, died. Rick Michael Emilio Curzi Laaman, od’ed by himself in his apartment kitchen in East Boston.

My son was 29 years old, almost 30. He was almost 3 when he was taken from my arms, a day long ago, on a November 4th. He was planning on traveling out here to Arizona to visit me, along with his fiancee Susan, this November 4th. They already had the airline tickets, and I was looking forward to really meeting Susan and to have a days long contact visit with my son. This would have been our first contact visit since 1999, when Rick visited me in Leavenworth. In 2000, I was sent to Walpole state prison in Massachusetts. For the next 9 years, even though I was in the same state as my son, all my visits were one hour long through a glass window over a telephone.

In the beginning of 2009, I was transferred back to the federal system to begin a consecutive sentence. I was sent to this prison in the Sonoran desert, near the Mexican border. For most of the 27 years of my captivity, the U.S. government has intentionally kept me locked up thousands of miles from my son and family. Many other political prisoners face this same type of exile imprisonment.

One special reason for this November 4th visit, was so Rick and Susan could tell me about their plans to marry and hopes for children and their life together. I was so happy and hopeful for them and the thought of a new little Ricky chan – boy or girl.

Ricky at three

Being the child of revolutionary activists, and especially in situations when parents choose or are forced into clandestine and underground work and life, will have a major life long impact on the child. When Ricky’s mother, Barbara, and I and other Ohio-7 people were located and captured in November of 1984, Ricky and the other Ohio-7 children were actually locked up themselves in juvenile detention jails for weeks, until our families and lawyers finally forced the government to release them to grandparents and other family.

Ricky lived with his maternal grandparents in Boston, until he was 10, when his mother was released from prison.

My son was not a political activist, though he was involved in many events, conferences, gatherings from the time he was a teenager. He knew and worked with leaders and activists of the Jericho political prisoners organization, the Puerto Rican Independence movement, the New African Independence movement, and in anarchist circles. He attended many of these events as the son of political prisoners and sometimes represented me and delivered statements from me, as well as his own words, including eloquent thoughts of what it was like to be a child growing up while your parents were in prison for their political efforts.

Just days before his death, Rick was at Occupy Boston and planned to write an article for this issue of 4sm, on this occupation. He had some notes, but said he wanted to wait until our visit to talk about it, before he finished the article. When people at the occupy site found out Rick was the son of a political prisoner, they invited him to lead a workshop on political prisoners there, the following week.

My son was deeply aware of the realities of U.S. imperialism and capitalism, and the struggle against it. His young and too short life was directly impacted by the racist police state realities of imperialism, and of course by the decisions I made for myself, my family and my son, in my life.

Let me be very real with you readers, from that cold November day in Cleveland in 1984, when we were captured and I saw a black suited SWAT cop grab my son, till the night before his death when I talked to him on the phone, there is no one in this world I loved or cared more about, or wanted to be actually close to, than my son.

I’ve long been kind of amazed, but so very glad that Rick and I always maintained a close loving father and son relationship and bond. I kept in regular contact with him, even from seg and other lock down units, with lots of cards, letters and phone calls and the always too infrequent visits. Even over time and growing up transitions he went through, and of course the distances imposed on us, we were always genuinely close, largely honest and real with each other and we always expressed love – father to his son and son to his father.

All that said, my son needed and wanted me close in his life from the moment he was taken away from his mother and me as a tiny little boy, till the end of his life. He always expressed this, as a little boy, a teenager and as an adult, including in the past few years as he struggled with addiction issues and fears.

I believe my son was a very special, positive and true human presence here with us for just a short time. Of course you would expect me, as a father to say and feel something like this. But this was what most of the well over 200 people at his funeral were telling each other. I’m told, it was an extremely diverse group of people. Of course family from all sides and distant locations. Close friends from computer school, college, rehab, as well as young muscle bound neighborhood guys who Rick worked out with. There were prominent revolutionary figures and former political prisoners. There were also some adult children of political prisoners, like Richard Williams’ son and daughter, Netdahe and Henekis, who knew and loved Rick since they were children. There were old Italian women from the neighborhood who spoke about how charming, courteous and helpful Rick had always been with them and other neighbors. My son touched many people in many real, meaningful, profound, genuine and compassionate ways.

I’m not sure why I’m putting all these long words together. I guess I did want to speak to comrades and interested people directly. Maybe it is cathartic. So what. My son is dead. These are insane impossible words, that now frame my life.

A final thought: I’ve received many cards and words of shared sorrow and support from many friends and others. I haven’t responded much, but I have appreciated all the thoughts and concern.

Try to take care of each other and the people you love.